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Now, i don't want to get one ministry there working against the other, but has the minister of energy considered such a strategy, given the controversy and concern surrounding sour gas developments near highly populated areas, compton's proposed sour gas well outside calgary, for example? why hasn't the department of energy developed a plan to deal with the inevitable clash between potential dangerous industry development in residential communities? does the minister of energy believe that sour gas developments near highly populated areas are responsible and safe? would the minister of energy, again, be willing to have sour gas wells close to his home? i would assume that up by valleyview they're probably within sight of the kitchen window, but i don't know. and they would be sour gas wells. why hasn't the government established a land-use policy that would prevent potentially dangerous developments from threatening residential communities? we have the compton application, for example, and if we look at this public safety and sour gas final report from march 2007, that the eub just issued, there is a lot written here; there is a lot discussed. i'm not sure if we've done enough with the emergency zones. certainly, we've had some sour gas leaks in the past, and i don't think the rules were followed. just looking through that, i don't think that this is going far enough to provide a measure of public safety. now, there's the whole issue of industry, again, versus agricultural land. we don't have a comprehensive, effective land-use policy in this province. the hon. member for edmonton-riverview was developing one, and it's the best plan that we have to date, a landuse policy. but in the interests of alberta we see landowners and we see industry, and there seem to be continuous clashes between landowners and industry. landowners certainly don't have confidence in the regulatory process. every public meeting i attend, public member after public member stands up. their issues are valid, and they're not being addressed. industrial development is going to continue. tensions between industry and landowners will also continue. rural landowners in this province are dealing with unprecedented growth levels, growth that often involves projects that infringe upon their lands, whether it's water issues, whether it's access issues. mr. chairman, one example that illustrates the need for a comprehensive land-use policy is the proposed 500 kv line between.
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283 asking him to join a special underground organization? as goldberg well knows, no one needs to ask him to join anything: by religious or secular perspective, the "organization" is a birthright. the modern state of israel codifies this fact: any jew can emigrate to israel by virtue of his genetic identity. and pan-jewish solidarity and its collectivist perspective is so widely ensconced in the american mass media and american culture as a whole ; that there is in fact nothing at all "conspiratorial" about it whatsoever, since it is, after all, the prevalent, naturalized norm of operation for all. and yet few recognize -- and no one dares risk a challenge to -- it. and the charge of jewish "conspiracy?" what does that mean? what are the word's nuances? do the "behind the scenes" unified wheelings and dealings of hundreds of jewish organizations that seek to maintain the unpopular "separation of church and state" fit the bill? is a lack of public honesty and candor about jewish belief, purpose, and identity part of the same paradigm? as jewish sociologist arnold eisen notes about a veritable jewish american cultural trait: "many [jewish] informants [in one academic study] demanded assurance of the interviewer's jewish background before volunteering certain responses especially those reflecting their less public attitudes about dominant [gentile] groups ; . [eisen, p. 144] . [the jew in public] represents his people before another, and knows that if his behavior is found wanting, his people as a whole will suffer. he must manipulate the opinion which others have of him and, as the sociologists observe, such manipulation is acceptable in secondary relations but not in friendships requiring candor and trust." [eisen, p. 144] in this regard of jewish protective self-censorship, lesley hazeleton notes the case of an israeli journalist: "one of israel's top journalists had been asked by an american magazine to write an article called 'has israel lost its soul?' he turned down the assignment. 'why?' someone asked. 'you've been saying it often enough in the hebrew press.' he gave a despairing shrug: 'i can't. it's read differently in the states. knowing that, i'd only end up writing an apologia.'" [hazeleton, l., 1984, p. 26] in other words, the man felt that he couldn't write the truth about israel in english perhaps in part because american jews media powers were biased towards apologia ; , but, more importantly, his critical thoughts would be revealed in a language that could also be read by a non-jewish audience. as peter novick notes about journalists in the ethnic jewish press: "they are 'less jewish' in that their public role, the fact that they know what they say is being listened to by a gentile audience, may make their utterances less frank, less expressive of spontaneous feelings, more 'correct, ' than conversation around the kitchen table." [novick, p., 1999, p. 38] and the formal, institutionalized jewish apologia for the subject of jewish dominance in the mass media? after conceding the obvious in the year 2000 that even a jewish scholar, steven g. kellman, noted that "most" of the "100 most powerful people" in hollywood were jewish, and that "boosters and anti-semites agree: jews have been prominent and predominant in all phases of the [motion picture] business: production, distribution and and win at poker or online poker room.
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